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When he had completed his organization of the constitution in the manner that has
been described, he found himself beset by people coming to him and harassing him
concerning his laws, criticizing here and questioning there, till, as he wished neither to
alter what he had decided on nor yet to be an object of ill will to every one by remaining
in Athens, he set off on a journey to Egypt, with the combined objects of trade and travel,
giving out that he should not return for ten years. He considered that there was no call
for him to expound the laws personally, but that every one should obey them just as
they were written. Moreover, his position at this time was unpleasant. Many members of
the upper class had been estranged from him on account of his abolition of debts, and
both parties were alienated through their disappointment at the condition of things which
he had created. The mass of the people had expected him to make a complete
redistribution of all property, and the upper class hoped he would restore everything to
its former position, or, at any rate, make but a small change. Solon, however, had
resisted both classes. He might have made himself a despot by attaching himself to
whichever party he chose, but he preferred, though at the cost of incurring the enmity of
both, to be the saviour of his country and the ideal lawgiver.
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The truth of this view of Solon's policy is established alike by common consent, and by the mention he has himself made of the matter in his poems. Thus:
Again he declares how the mass of the people ought to be treated:
But thus will the people best the voice of their leaders obey, When neither too slack is the rein, nor violence holdeth the sway; For indulgence breedeth a child, the presumption that spurns control,
When riches too great are poured upon men of unbalanced soul.
And again elsewhere he speaks about the persons who wished to redistribute the land:
So they came in search of plunder, and their cravings knew no bound, Every one among them deeming endless wealth would here be found. And that I with glozing smoothness hid a cruel mind within. Fondly then and vainly dreamt they; now they raise an angry din, And they glare askance in anger, and the light within their eyes Burns with hostile flames upon me. Yet therein no justice lies. All I promised, fully wrought I with the gods at hand to cheer, Naught beyond in folly ventured. Never to my soul was dear With a tyrant's force to govern, nor to see the good and base Side by side in equal portion share the rich home of our race.
Once more he speaks of the abolition of debts and of those who before were in servitude, but were released owing to the Seisachtheia:
And again he reviles both parties for their grumblings in the times that followed:
For had any other man, he says, received this exalted post,
Such then, were Solon's reasons for his departure from the country. After his retirement
the city was still torn by divisions. For four years, indeed, they lived in peace; but in the
fifth year after Solon's government they were unable to elect an Archon on account of
their dissensions, and again four years later they elected no Archon for the same
reason. Subsequently, after a similar period had elapsed, Damasias was elected Archon;
and he governed for two years and two months, until he was forcibly expelled from his
office. After this, it was agreed, as a compromise, to elect ten Archons, five from the
Eupatridae, three from the Agroeci, and two from the Demiurgi, and they ruled for the
year following Damasias. It is clear from this that the Archon was at the time the
magistrate who possessed the greatest power, since it is always in connexion with this
office that conflicts are seen to arise. But altogether they were in a continual state of
internal disorder. Some found the cause and justification of their discontent in the
abolition of debts, because thereby they had been reduced to poverty; others were
dissatisfied with the political constitution, because it had undergone a revolutionary
change; while with others the motive was found in personal rivalries among themselves.
The parties at this time were three in number. First there was the party of the Shore, led
by Megacles the son of Alcmeon, which was considered to aim at a moderate form of
government; then there were the men of the Plain, who desired an oligarchy and were led
by Lycurgus; and thirdly there were the men of the Highlands, at the head of whom was
Pisistratus, who was looked on as an extreme democrat. This latter party was reinforced
by those who had been deprived of the debts due to them, from motives of poverty, and
by those who were not of pure descent, from motives of personal apprehension. A proof
of this is seen in the fact that after the tyranny was overthrown a revision was made of
the citizen-roll, on the ground that many persons were partaking in the franchise without
having a right to it. The names given to the respective parties were derived from the
districts in which they held their lands.
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Pisistratus had the reputation of being an extreme democrat, and he also had
distinguished himself greatly in the war with Megara. Taking advantage of this, he
wounded himself, and by representing that his injuries had been inflicted on him by his
political rivals, he persuaded the people, through a motion proposed by Aristion, to grant
him a bodyguard. After he had got these 'club-bearers', as they were called, he made an
attack with them on the people and seized the Acropolis. This happened in the
archonship of Comeas, thirty-one years after the legislation of Solon. It is related that,
when Pisistratus asked for his bodyguard, Solon opposed the request, and declared that
in so doing he proved himself wiser than half the people and braver than the rest,-wiser
than those who did not see that Pisistratus designed to make himself tyrant, and braver
than those who saw it and kept silence. But when all his words availed nothing he
carried forth his armour and set it up in front of his house, saying that he had helped his
country so far as lay in his power (he was already a very old man), and that he called on
all others to do the same. Solon's exhortations, however, proved fruitless, and
Pisistratus assumed the sovereignty. His administration was more like a constitutional
government than the rule of a tyrant; but before his power was firmly established, the
adherents of Megacles and Lycurgus made a coalition and drove him out. This took
place in the archonship of Hegesias, five years after the first establishment of his rule.
Eleven years later Megacles, being in difficulties in a party struggle, again opened-
negotiations with Pisistratus, proposing that the latter should marry his daughter; and on
these terms he brought him back to Athens, by a very primitive and simple-minded
device. He first spread abroad a rumour that Athena was bringing back Pisistratus, and
then, having found a woman of great stature and beauty, named Phye (according to
Herodotus, of the deme of Paeania, but as others say a Thracian flower-seller of the
deme of Collytus), he dressed her in a garb resembling that of the goddess and brought
her into the city with Pisistratus. The latter drove in on a chariot with the woman beside
him, and the inhabitants of the city, struck with awe, received him with adoration.
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In this manner did his first return take place. He did not, however, hold his power long,
for about six years after his return he was again expelled. He refused to treat the
daughter of Megacles as his wife, and being afraid, in consequence, of a combination of
the two opposing parties, he retired from the country. First he led a colony to a place
called Rhaicelus, in the region of the Thermaic gulf; and thence he passed to the country
in the neighbourhood of Mt. Pangaeus. Here he acquired wealth and hired mercenaries;
and not till ten years had elapsed did he return to Eretria and make an attempt to recover
the government by force. In this he had the assistance of many allies, notably the
Thebans and Lygdamis of Naxos, and also the Knights who held the supreme power in
the constitution of Eretria. After his victory in the battle at Pallene he captured Athens,
and when he had disarmed the people he at last had his tyranny securely established,
and was able to take Naxos and set up Lygdamis as ruler there. He effected the
disarmament of the people in the following manner. He ordered a parade in full armour in
the Theseum, and began to make a speech to the people. He spoke for a short time, until
the people called out that they could not hear him, whereupon he bade them come up to
the entrance of the Acropolis, in order that his voice might be better heard. Then, while
he continued to speak to them at great length, men whom he had appointed for the
purpose collected the arms and locked them up in the chambers of the Theseum hard by,
and came and made a signal to him that it was done. Pisistratus accordingly, when he
had finished the rest of what he had to say, told the people also what had happened to
their arms; adding that they were not to be surprised or alarmed, but go home and attend
to their private affairs, while he would himself for the future manage all the business of
the state.
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Such was the origin and such the vicissitudes of the tyranny of Pisistratus. His
administration was temperate, as has been said before, and more like constitutional
government than a tyranny. Not only was he in every respect humane and mild and
ready to forgive those who offended, but, in addition, he advanced money to the poorer
people to help them in their labours, so that they might make their living by agriculture.
In this he had two objects, first that they might not spend their time in the city but might
be scattered over all the face of the country, and secondly that, being moderately well off
and occupied with their own business, they might have neither the wish nor the time to
attend to public affairs. At the same time his revenues were increased by the thorough
cultivation of the country, since he imposed a tax of one tenth on all the produce. For the
same reasons he instituted the local justices,' and often made expeditions in person into
the country to inspect it and to settle disputes between individuals, that they might not
come into the city and neglect their farms. It was in one of these progresses that, as the
story goes, Pisistratus had his adventure with the man of Hymettus, who was cultivating
the spot afterwards known as 'Tax-free Farm'. He saw a man digging and working at a
very stony piece of ground, and being surprised he sent his attendant to ask what he got
out of this plot of land. 'Aches and pains', said the man; 'and that's what Pisistratus
ought to have his tenth of'. The man spoke without knowing who his questioner was; but
Pisistratus was so leased with his frank speech and his industry that he granted him
exemption from all taxes. And so in matters in general he burdened the people as little
as possible with his government, but always cultivated peace and kept them in all
quietness. Hence the tyranny of Pisistratus was often spoken of proverbially as 'the age
of gold'; for when his sons succeeded him the government became much harsher. But
most important of all in this respect was his popular and kindly disposition. In all things
he was accustomed to observe the laws, without giving himself any exceptional
privileges. Once he was summoned on a charge of homicide before the Areopagus, and
he appeared in person to make his defence; but the prosecutor was afraid to present
himself and abandoned the case. For these reasons he held power long, and whenever
he was expelled he regained his position easily. The majority alike of the upper class
and of the people were in his favour; the former he won by his social intercourse with
them, the latter by the assistance which he gave to their private purses, and his nature
fitted him to win the hearts of both. Moreover, the laws in reference to tyrants at that time
in force at Athens were very mild, especially the one which applies more particularly to
the establishment of a tyranny. The law ran as follows: 'These are the ancestral statutes
of the ATHENIANs; if any persons shall make an attempt to establish a tyranny, or if any
person shall join in setting up a tyranny, he shall lose his civic rights, both himself and
his whole house.'
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Thus did Pisistratus grow old in the possession of power, and he died a natural death
in the archonship of Philoneos, three and thirty years from the time at which he first
established himself as tyrant, during nineteen of which he was in possession of power;
the rest he spent in exile. It is evident from this that the story is mere gossip which
states that Pisistratus was the youthful favourite of Solon and commanded in the war
against Megara for the recovery of Salamis. It will not harmonize with their respective
ages, as any one may see who will reckon up the years of the life of each of them, and
the dates at which they died. After the death of Pisistratus his sons took up the
government, and conducted it on the same system. He had two sons by his first and
legitimate wife, Hippias and Hipparchus, and two by his Argive consort, Iophon and
Hegesistratus, who was surnamed Thessalus. For Pisistratus took a wife from Argos,
Timonassa, the daughter of a man of Argos, named Gorgilus; she had previously been
the wife of Archinus of Ambracia, one of the descendants of Cypselus. This was the
origin of his friendship with the Argives, on account of which a thousand of them were
brought over by Hegesistratus and fought on his side in the battle at Pallene. Some
authorities say that this marriage took place after his first expulsion from Athens, others
while he was in possession of the government.
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Hippias and Hipparchus assumed the control of affairs on grounds alike of standing
and of age; but Hippias, as being also naturally of a statesmanlike and shrewd
disposition, was really the head of the government. Hipparchus was youthful in
disposition, amorous, and fond of literature (it was he who invited to Athens Anacreon,
Simonides, and the other poets), while Thessalus was much junior in age, and was
violent and headstrong in his behaviour. It was from his character that all the evils arose
which befell the house. He became enamoured of Harmodius, and, since he failed to win
his affection, he lost all restraint upon his passion, and in addition to other exhibitions of
rage he finally prevented the sister of Harmodius from taking the part of a basket-bearer
in the Panathenaic procession, alleging as his reason that Harmodius was a person of
loose life. Thereupon, in a frenzy of wrath, Harmodius and Aristogeiton did their
celebrated deed, in conjunction with a number of confederates. But while they were lying
in wait for Hippias in the Acropolis at the time of the Panathenaea (Hippias, at this
moment, was awaiting the arrival of the procession, while Hipparchus was organizing its
dispatch) they saw one of the persons privy to the plot talking familiarly with him.
Thinking that he was betraying them, and desiring to do something before they were
arrested, they rushed down and made their attempt without waiting for the rest of their
confederates. They succeeded in killing Hipparchus near the Leocoreum while he was
engaged in arranging the procession, but ruined the design as a whole; of the two
leaders, Harmodius was killed on the spot by the guards, while Aristogeiton was
arrested, and perished later after suffering long tortures. While under the torture he
accused many persons who belonged by birth to the most distinguished families and
were also personal friends of the tyrants. At first the government could find no clue to the
conspiracy; for the current story, that Hippias made all who were taking part in the
procession leave their arms, and then detected those who were carrying secret daggers,
cannot be true, since at that time they did not bear arms in the processions, this being a
custom instituted at a later period by the democracy. According to the story of the
popular party, Aristogeiton accused the friends of the tyrants with the deliberate intention
that the latter might commit an impious act, and at the same time weaken themselves, by
putting to death innocent men who were their own friends; others say that he told no
falsehood, but was betraying the actual accomplices. At last, when for all his efforts he
could not obtain release by death, he promised to give further information against a
number of other persons; and, having induced Hippias to give him his hand to confirm
his word, as soon as he had hold of it he reviled him for giving his hand to the murderer
of his brother, till Hippias, in a frenzy of rage, lost control of himself and snatched out
his dagger and dispatched him.
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After this event the tyranny became much harsher. In consequence of his vengeance for his brother, and of the execution and banishment of a large number of persons, Hippias became a distrusted and an embittered man. About three years after the death of Hipparchus, finding his position in the city insecure, he set about fortifying Munichia, with the intention of establishing himself there. While he was still engaged on this work, however, he was expelled by Cleomenes, king of Lacedaemon, in consequence of the Spartans being continually incited by oracles to overthrow the tyranny. These oracles were obtained in the following way. The Athenian exiles, headed by the Alcmeonidae, could not by their own power effect their return, but failed continually in their attempts. Among their other failures, they fortified a post in Attica, Lipsydrium, above Mt. Parnes, and were there joined by some partisans from the city; but they were besieged by the tyrants and reduced to surrender. After this disaster the following became a popular drinking song:
Having failed, then, in very other method, they took the contract for rebuilding the
temple at Delphi, thereby obtaining ample funds, which they employed to secure the help
of the Lacedaemonians. All this time the Pythia kept continually enjoining on the
Lacedaemonians who came to consult the oracle, that they must free Athens; till finally
she succeeded in impelling the Spartans to that step, although the house of Pisistratus
was connected with them by ties of hospitality. The resolution of the Lacedaemonians
was, however, at least equally due to the friendship which had been formed between the
house of Pisistratus and Argos. Accordingly they first sent Anchimolus by sea at the
head of an army; but he was defeated and killed, through the arrival of Cineas of
Thessaly to support the sons of Pisistratus with a force of a thousand horsemen. Then,
being roused to anger by this disaster, they sent their king, Cleomenes, by land at the
head of a larger force; and he, after defeating the Thessalian cavalry when they
attempted to intercept his march into Attica, shut up Hippias within what was known as
the Pelargic wall and blockaded him there with the assistance of the Athenians. While he
was sitting down before the place, it so happened that the sons of the Pisistratidae were
captured in an attempt to slip out; upon which the tyrants capitulated on condition of the
safety of their children, and surrendered the Acropolis to the Athenians, five days being
first allowed them to remove their effects. This took place in the archonship of
Harpactides, after they had held the tyranny for about seventeen years since their
father's death, or in all, including the period of their father's rule, for nine-and-forty years.
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After the overthrow of the tyranny, the rival leaders in the state were Isagoras son of Tisander, a partisan of the tyrants, and Cleisthenes, who belonged to the family of the Alcmeonidae. Cleisthenes, being beaten in the political clubs, called in the people by giving the franchise to the masses. Thereupon Isagoras, finding himself left inferior in power, invited Cleomenes, who was united to him by ties of hospitality, to return to Athens, and persuaded him to 'drive out the pollution', a plea derived from the fact that the Alcmeonidae were suppposed to be under the curse of pollution. On this Cleisthenes retired from the country, and Cleomenes, entering Attica with a small force, expelled, as polluted, seven hundred Athenian families. Having effected this, he next attempted to dissolve the Council, and to set up Isagoras and three hundred of his partisans as the supreme power in the state. The Council, however, resisted, the populace flocked together, and Cleomenes and Isagoras, with their adherents, took refuge in the Acropolis. Here the people sat down and besieged them for two days; and on the third they agreed to let Cleomenes and all his followers de art, while they summoned Cleisthenes and the other exiles back to Athens. When the people had thus obtained the command of affairs, Cleisthenes was their chief and popular leader. And this was natural; for the Alcmeonidae were perhaps the chief cause of the expulsion of the tyrants, and for the greater part of their rule were at perpetual war with them. But even earlier than the attempts of the Alcmeonidae, one Cedon made an attack on the tyrants; when there came another popular drinking song, addressed to him: